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IN INDIA : DELHI POLICE ON TUESDAY ARRESTED Jawaharlal University [JNU] PhD scholar Sharjeel Imam. The report also alleged that Sharjeel Imam openly defied the Constitution and called it a 'fascist' document.
CHINA AND THE UNITED STATES ONCE acted like opposites in governing the Internet. Beijing imposed a heavy state hand, it blocked major foreign websites, sheltered Chinese tech firms as they developed alternatives to Western rivals and kept a tight grip on the what people said online.
The United States stood for a global openness that helped a generation of Internet Goliaths dominate worldwide.
But when President Trump issued executive orders that could lead to a U.S ban on two of the world's most popular Chinese-made apps, TikTok and WeChat, the White House signaled a new willingness to adopt Beijing's exclusionary tactics. President Trump went further, ordering ByteDance, the Chinese owner of TikTok, to give up its American assets and any data that TikTok had gathered in the United States.
Later, on Monday, the administration also clamped down further on Huawei by restricting the Chinese tech giant's ability to buy computer chips produced abroad using American technology. That followed a White House initiative this month to begin purging Chinese apps and telecom companies from American networks, saying they were a security threat.
Together, the moves herald a new more invasive American Philosophy of tech regulation, one that hews more closely to China's protectionist one, though without the aims of censoring content and controlling the populace.
The shift could hurt American Internet giants like Facebook and Google, which have greatly benefited from the borderless digital terrain outside China, as well as Chinese Internet giants like Tencent and Alibaba, which have tried to expand into the West.
If more countries follow President Trump's by basing digital controls on diplomatic allegiances, protectionist aims or new concerns about the security of their citizens, the Internet could become more a patchwork of fiefs as varied as the policies that fragment world travel.
''A wholesale ban would undoubtedly trigger retaliation and may contribute to the type of fracturing of the Internet that we have witnessed in recent years and which authoritarian governments favor,'' said Ron Deibert, the director of Citizen Lab research group at the University of Toronto's Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy.
CHINA AND THE UNITED STATES ONCE acted like opposites in governing the Internet. Beijing imposed a heavy state hand, it blocked major foreign websites, sheltered Chinese tech firms as they developed alternatives to Western rivals and kept a tight grip on the what people said online.
The United States stood for a global openness that helped a generation of Internet Goliaths dominate worldwide.
But when President Trump issued executive orders that could lead to a U.S ban on two of the world's most popular Chinese-made apps, TikTok and WeChat, the White House signaled a new willingness to adopt Beijing's exclusionary tactics. President Trump went further, ordering ByteDance, the Chinese owner of TikTok, to give up its American assets and any data that TikTok had gathered in the United States.
Later, on Monday, the administration also clamped down further on Huawei by restricting the Chinese tech giant's ability to buy computer chips produced abroad using American technology. That followed a White House initiative this month to begin purging Chinese apps and telecom companies from American networks, saying they were a security threat.
Together, the moves herald a new more invasive American Philosophy of tech regulation, one that hews more closely to China's protectionist one, though without the aims of censoring content and controlling the populace.
The shift could hurt American Internet giants like Facebook and Google, which have greatly benefited from the borderless digital terrain outside China, as well as Chinese Internet giants like Tencent and Alibaba, which have tried to expand into the West.
If more countries follow President Trump's by basing digital controls on diplomatic allegiances, protectionist aims or new concerns about the security of their citizens, the Internet could become more a patchwork of fiefs as varied as the policies that fragment world travel.
''A wholesale ban would undoubtedly trigger retaliation and may contribute to the type of fracturing of the Internet that we have witnessed in recent years and which authoritarian governments favor,'' said Ron Deibert, the director of Citizen Lab research group at the University of Toronto's Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy.
China and the United States have different starting points to governing high tech industries. Te Communist Party has no tolerance for its citizens speaking out against it online or organizing outside its sphere of control.
It has also made no secret of the ambitions to cultivate Chinese companies' outside expertise in advanced technologies., which foreign competitors say sometimes leads the authorities to give local firms unfair advantages.
The White House orders on TikTok and WeChat, expected to take effect on Sept 20, were framed as measures to defend American citizens against the threat of data gathering by Beijing.
They also stem from the idea that China should be punished in kind for violating democratic norms. This principle of reciprocity has guided the Trump administration's recent confrontation with Beijing over trade, industrial policy and the news media.
Yet when applied to Internet governance, reciprocity could carry a heavy price for the United States. While few countries have fully embraced China's walled-garden approach to cyberspace, many governments are uneasy about the dominance of American giants like Facebook, Google and Amazon within their borders and are considering new taxes and restrictions on their operations.
The Honor and Serving of the Latest Global Operational Research on ''Internet & The Future'', continues. The World Students Society thanks authors Ana Swanson, Paul Mazur and Raymond Zhong.
With respectful dedication to the Leaders, Grandparents, Parents, Students, Professors and Teachers of the world.
See Ya all prepare and register for Great Global Elections on The World Students Society : wssciw.blogspot.com and Twitter - !E-WOW! - The Ecosystem 2011:
''' Fear And Form '''
It has also made no secret of the ambitions to cultivate Chinese companies' outside expertise in advanced technologies., which foreign competitors say sometimes leads the authorities to give local firms unfair advantages.
The White House orders on TikTok and WeChat, expected to take effect on Sept 20, were framed as measures to defend American citizens against the threat of data gathering by Beijing.
They also stem from the idea that China should be punished in kind for violating democratic norms. This principle of reciprocity has guided the Trump administration's recent confrontation with Beijing over trade, industrial policy and the news media.
Yet when applied to Internet governance, reciprocity could carry a heavy price for the United States. While few countries have fully embraced China's walled-garden approach to cyberspace, many governments are uneasy about the dominance of American giants like Facebook, Google and Amazon within their borders and are considering new taxes and restrictions on their operations.
The Honor and Serving of the Latest Global Operational Research on ''Internet & The Future'', continues. The World Students Society thanks authors Ana Swanson, Paul Mazur and Raymond Zhong.
With respectful dedication to the Leaders, Grandparents, Parents, Students, Professors and Teachers of the world.
See Ya all prepare and register for Great Global Elections on The World Students Society : wssciw.blogspot.com and Twitter - !E-WOW! - The Ecosystem 2011:
''' Fear And Form '''
Good Night and God Bless
SAM Daily Times - the Voice of the Voiceless
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